Violent Forms In Sociopolitical Spheres Understanding State Mass Kill Essay Example For Students

Violent Forms In Sociopolitical Spheres: Understanding State Mass Kill Essay ings In Indonesia 1965-66Violent Forms in Sociopolitical Spheres: Understanding State Mass Killings in Indonesia 1965-66 Amanda Maull2-04-01H.Schulte NordholtPolitical Violence in AsiaIn order to develop a general framework with which to understand collective political violence, I examine state mass killings in Indonesia 1965-66. While acknowledging the importance of historical/cultural factors, I identify elements within the sociopolitical sphere that influence actors of collective political violence at national, local, and event- specific levels. Elements discussed are elite interests, justification for violence, formal organizations, and mobilization factors. Finally, I suggest future preventative policy measures. IntroductionViolence marks much of human history. Within the sociopolitical sphere, violence has continually served as a tool used by various actors to influence and/or to control territory, people, institutions and other resources of society. The twentieth century witne ssed an evolution of political violence in form and in scope. Continuing into the twenty-first, advances in technology and social organization dramatically increase the potential destructiveness of violent tools. Western colonialism left a world filled with many heterogeneous nation-states. In virtually all these countries nationalist ideologies have combined with ethnic, religious, and/or class conflicts resulting in secessionist movements or other kinds of demands. Such conflicts present opportunities for various actors in struggles for wealth, power, and prestige on both national and local levels. This is particularly evident in Indonesia, a region of the world that has experienced many forms of political violence. The state mass killings of 1965-66 mark the most dramatic of such events within this region. My goal is to understand the killings within a framework of collective political violence. I consider actors and agencies at national, local and event-specific levels in order to understand the mobilization of actors. Within this framework, I determine the relative importance of historical/cultural factors, elite interests, justifications for violence, organization and individual perceptions. Finally, I present questions for future research and preventative policy options. We will write a custom essay on Violent Forms In Sociopolitical Spheres: Understanding State Mass Kill specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Common explanations of political violence in Indonesia focus on local culture, the legacies of colonialism, and the social conflicts through which violence manifests. Often, observers describe such events as spontaneous and uncontrollable. One obtains the impression that riots are explosions of latent tensions and mass killings, unstoppable runaway trains. However such explanations are at best incomplete and significantly obscure important variables. Mass collective violence is rarely spontaneous. Elite interests, formal organizations and actors at various levels interact to create violent 1outcomes. I consider such interactions surrounding the state mass killings in Indonesia 1965-66. The Frames of Violent Forms Defined generally as â€Å"the use of physical force or coercion, used with the intention of bringing harm to others (and their material goods), which is linked to a struggle for power†, political violence make take on numerous forms. Such forms are characterized by varying elements of intensity, destructiveness, and duration. It is not my intention to provide a general descriptive theory of political violence. Given the varied nature of political violence and the compounding complexities of unique circumstance, an attempt at such a mega-theory would over-generalize in the search for ideal types and remain inapplicable to real situations. However, some forms of collective political violence possess common elements. This suggests the possibility of a general framework for understanding collective political violence. Understanding the similarities and differences between forms of collective violence would aid efforts at preventive policies. To begin c reating a general frame, I analyze state mass killings in Indonesia 1965-66. Specific forms of collective political violence present many superficial differences and few similarities. State mass killings are methodical, wider in scope and more violent. Contained to specific regions, endemic communal violence, in the form of riots, pogroms, and massacres seem sporadic and spontaneous. However, both types of collective violence require some level of organization. Though not perfectly continuous, both are maintained over periods of time. Similarly, they must be analyzed combining different interactive levels: national, local, and event-specific. I begin with one form and consider the interaction of the following elements across levels: elite interests, justifications for violence, organization, and mobilization of individual actors. This is done within a conceptual framework, which also recognizes the historical circumstances of location. 2Indonesia’s cultural and colonial histories have uniquely affected its modern sociopolitical spheres. An immense arch ipelago, few unifying â€Å"Indonesian† characteristics exists as there are many cultural differences among the islands. However, a common pre-colonial history marked for all the uncertainties of disease, failed harvests, natural disasters, and shifting power relations within ruling dynasties. Though competitive and conflictive, the pre-colonial royalty â€Å"was based on the notion that the control of violence was more important than the actual implementation of it, because there was a strong belief that violence could easily result in total destruction†. Dutch colonial rule differed greatly. Distrustful of its subjects, the colonial government ruled by violence and fear. Post-colonial Indonesia has inherited this ‘state of violence’. Colonial authorities relied on criminal gangs to maintain order. In more destructive forms, crime remains as part of the state. Concentrated in the center, power remains corrupt and self-serving. Today, Indonesia contains many different ethnic groups and is a highly stratified and internally conflicted society. Colonialism produced export-oriented economies, organized by business class minorities. Independence created a ‘nation’ not on the basis of a society unified culturally but on one unified by colonial rule. The resulting, social conflicts feed contests for political power. In fact for many postcolonial countries, the western concept of a territorially defined nation-state has lead to â€Å"struggles among competing elites and counterelites for control over the state apparatus †¦ as well as to local struggles for power, wealth, and safety†. Violence is an integral part of such struggles. The pragmatic objective of political violence is power. Subsequently, many different types of elites may use, condone, or tolerate violence when it serves their interests. National and local interests intentionally use collective political violence in struggles for wealth, power, and prestige. Further, powerful extra-national parties may quietly sanction or actively support such violence. While the nature and interests of supra-national, national, and local elites may vary, I show that their involvement whether 3direct or indirect is instrumental for at least one form of collective political violence. Violent action requires justification. Elites and organized leaders must gain some measure of support for their decisions; individuals must rationalize violent deviations from social obligation not only to their communities but also to themselves. Often, the ideology of the nation-state provides â€Å"sufficient justification for both state-directed and state-supported violence as well as organized and preplanned intercommunal and interethnic violence†. Perceived threats to the integrity of the nation serve to consolidate imagined internal unity, while justifying state-directed and communal collective violence against targeted populations. These populations become scapegoats for all kinds of social ills. Displacing blame on to the victim, state and local elites along with individual actors attempt to escape legal and moral responsibility for their actions. Further, elites and individuals use methods of moral exclusion to justify violent actions. Using religious doctrines and o ther ideologies, the targeted population is removed from the perpetrator’s world of social obligations. In this way, otherwise unthinkable actions are accepted by society. I examine the types of justifications used by various actors within the state mass killings of Indonesia. .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .postImageUrl , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:hover , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:visited , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:active { border:0!important; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:active , .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792 .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u47b101419a3980ea4d4ad7422ef5d792:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Anarchist Utopia EssayAnother important aspect of collective political violence is the involvement of formal organizations. Organizations are necessary for almost all types of enduring collective activity. Often portrayed as spontaneous, collective political violence is most often instigated by various organizations. Whether based on religious doctrine or other ideologies, organizations of some type play a crucial role in the mobilization of actors and the coordination of collective political violence. They provide essential weapons, which national and local elites utilize in power struggles. Youth organizations are particularly common actors in collective violence. . When discussing mobilization, I will expand on the dynamics of youthful peer groups. 4The level of organization and the nature of formal groups may vary across types of collective violence. State-mass killings require the direct involvement of the military. The military may completely control the violence or it may enlist the participation of other organizations at the local level. Communal violence predominantly involves local organizations. In some cases, the military may indirectly support violence, through inaction or the provision of arms. However, their direct involvement is usually limited to controlling communal violence, though their efforts may be weak or purposely ineffectual. Analyzing state mass killings, I examine the varied types of formal organizations and their roles in the coordination and mobilization. Finally, the mobilization of individual actors incorporates some aspects previously discussed. As well, many other processes relate to the participation of individual actors in collective political violence. Some of these processes are explained by theories of relative deprivation, resource mobilization, and social networks. Yet, factors vary by location, event, and the individuals involved. It is impossible to explain all the intricacies surrounding the mobilization of actors for collective political violence. However, I will identify some of the factors affecting the participation of individuals in state-mass killings. Theories of relative deprivation often site inequalities as an important foundation for collective violence. Certainly, national and local elites often manipulate religious, ethnic, and class conflicts in their struggles for power. Yet while social inequalities provide many opportunities to mobilize individuals against perceived threats, the interaction of other situational and social processes is also necessary. Historically, the factors that make â€Å"a collectivity mobilizable for political purposes are overwhelmingly communal, however much this basis of common identity may be overlaid with ethnicity, religion, class consciousness, or some other loyalty†. By creating a sense of solidarity 5on regional and national levels, religious and nationalist ideologies may be used in order to mobilize the support and participation of larger collectivities. At event-specific levels, episodes of collective political violence create environments where solidarity is formed and reinforced . The common involvement of youth organizations highlights the importance of event-level in-group processes such as solidarity and group status formation. When understanding communal violence especially, â€Å"interactions that take place within the group of perpetrators may be more relevant† than those at the national or local political level. In environments stressing masculinity and physical strength, conflicts present opportunities for young males to establish themselves within social hierarchies. In such instances, group processes interact creating violence with imploding rather than exploding forces. While these processes are present in episodes of state-mass killings, such events must be understood separately. Participants in state organized mass violence are mobilized to varying degrees by terror. In-group processes are certainly important. Yet, the lack of information and the impossibility of observation create problems for analysis. In-group processes occur within a nd are affected by local and national contexts. Resource mobilization theories suggest that perceived opportunity also influence the mobilization of actors. While perceived threats may unite actors, perceived opportunities to reduce threats will motivate action. Based on theories of rational-choice, this concept suggests that actors calculate the cost and incentives of action. Participants in mass-killings and communal violence may not consciously think in terms of cost-benefit analysis. Most likely perceptions of risks interact with other in-group and out-group processes. However, rational assessments of future costs and benefits directly affect the decisions of most national and local leaders. Mobilization factors are extremely complex and vary by actor, level of analysis, and situation. I attempt to identify some of the 6variables affecting the mobilization of various actors within state-mass killings. State Mass Killings: Java and BaliOn September 30, 1965, six Indonesian generals were killed in an attempted military coup. The result of intra-military conflict during a time of national financial and political crisis, the coup is generally blamed on the PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia). The mass killings in Indonesia 1965-66 were the direct result of a right-wing counter-coup, which centralized military control of the country under General Suharto. Within the national context, the killings served to repress opposition to General Suharto’s New Order by reconstructing society to correspond with a new basis of solidarity based on the military’s regime. In this sense, the killings can be understood as an ideological genocide due to the use of a â€Å"communist threat to justify a new design of state and society†. However, regional variations in the nature and extent of the killings complicate a typology, which emphasizes such a unifying ideology. This is partially re solved if variations are understood within a context of interacting national and local powershifts. Realignments of local military power occurred as Suharto solidified his position as leader of the new government in Java. Some regional commanders hesitated implementing the purge of local PKI members until Suharto’s victory was clear. In such cases, military units were sent to supervise and participate directly in the killings. However, the army relied on civilian vigilante gangs, whom they supplied with weapons and training to carry out the bulk of the killings. While affected by events from the center, local powershifts occurred within embedded regional conflicts. The military’s use of local cleavages to consolidate their power introduced an element of unpredictability. While this has motivated some to categorize the events as spontaneous, the majority of killings were premeditated and organized at national and local levels. 7The role of elite interests in the 1965-66 killings must be analyzed on three levels: international, national, and local. Set during the Cold War, the United States. had significant interests in removing communist influence from Indonesia and was publicly supportive of the military counter-coup. While the United States may not have directly instigated the massacres, it supported them indirectly by providing communication equipment and as well as a list of PKI members. Nationally, the killings served the interests of General Suharto and the military by ensuring their power over the state apparatus and the wealth and prestige, which accompanies it. Specific local elite interests varied by region. In scope, the provinces of Central Java, East Java, and Bali suffered the worst of the killing. While the internal dynamics of local powershifts differed between the regions, there are general similarities. The PKI gathered its base mainly from rural areas and campaigned for land reform and a gainst corruption. For local elites, the suppression of the PKI removed political opposition and protected financial interests. .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .postImageUrl , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:hover , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:visited , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:active { border:0!important; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:active , .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831 .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .ucbc9e6d936b848b653a14cd0699a7831:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Unemployment EssayNationalist ideology provided Suharto a basis for justification of the mass killings. Portraying the attempted coup as a communist plot against the nation, Suharto forces â€Å"founded and justified the subsequent campaign to destroy the Communist Party†. Nation-wide propaganda campaigns depicting PKI members as traitors, morally depraved, and anti-religious also provided justification for military actions. Propaganda served dual functions, displacing blame and removing moral obligations. By holding all PKI members collectively guilty for the national crisis and attempted coup, the military also provided individuals with justification for their act ions. Depicting PKI members as depraved removed the victims from the perpetrators world of social obligation. Local organizations enforced such justification for violence. In Java and in Bali, local organizations such as the Muslim group, Nahdatul Ulama and the nationalist party PNI represented the purge as a â€Å"holy war†. This not only removed the targets from the8perpetrators moral obligation but also created religious obligations to participate in the killings. Organizations not only played a role in justifying but also coordinating the killings. The direct involvement of the military and local organizations was necessary to maintain the intensity and scope of the murders throughout the islands of Java and Bali. On Java as the armed forces began internal purges of leftist officers, Muslim youth groups and NU leaders initiated attacks on PKI members. In Bali, PNI-backed vigilante gangs and NU-affiliated Ansor youth gangs were armed and directed by the military to partici pate in arrest and execution operations. By allowing regional power conflicts and individual rivalries to affect the nature of the killing, the use of civilian groups disguises the importance of state objectives on the killings of 1965-66. It has leaded some to label them as spontaneous. Yet, the military’s role as instigator and its movements to direct the purges reveal the states importance. Together the participation of the military and local political and religious groups highlights the essential role of organizations in the mass killings. Organizations played a crucial role in mobilizing participants. The military, political party, and religious authorities played an active role in shaping and encouraging violent anti-communism based on existing religious ideas and cultural analogies. Further, violence became an acceptable solution for pre-existing conflicts, which were based on perceptions of relative deprivation and religious differences. The military provided the opportunity for the perpetrators to take revenge on and to profit from victims. Similarly, opportunity and risk assessment played a role in the military’s actions. Support from the United States removed the possibility for sanctions so that genocide became cost-free. The use of youth organizations highlights the importance of social networks and event-level in-group processes. The violence provided opportunities to establish oneself in a social hierarchy based on notions of power and masculinity. â€Å"The vigilantes of 91965-1966 were primarily yo ung men, eager to demonstrate their ‘courage’ and their sense of ‘revolutionary’ commitment†. The manipulation of such youthful enthusiasm provided a deadly force for the military’s project. The exploited by leaders of traditional institutions of communal responsibility and labor to motivate collective killing of the PKI presents further evidence of the importance of local ties. In addition to the many willing participants, the military and local organizations mobilized the involvement of many others through terror. The government’s campaign made it impossible to remain politically neutral. Participation in the killings provided direct evidence of support for Suharto’s New Order. Anyone refusing to comply with the murders was labeled guilty by association and suffered the same fate as PKI members. I have depicted how elite interests, methods of justification, organizations, and methods of mobilization worked within an interactive frame resulting in the state mass killings of Indonesia 1965-66. Yet, this framework cannot completely explain the events. For instance, why did so many people need to be killed? A full-scale genocide went beyond ensuring new national and local power positions or resolving individual personal or ideological conflicts. Understanding the killings as part of larger process of social reconstruction may help explain the mass violence. Within a context of national crisis, the PKI became the scapegoat for Indonesia’s political and financial ills. The military’s manipulation of cultural stories depicting threats of total destruction lead to a ‘purifying violence’, necessary for a new cycle of growth, peace, and prosperity. The killings represent a social purge in preparation for a reconstruction of society. Though the actual transfo rmation may have been more superficial, the process highlights the ability of the state manipulate aspects of culture in struggles for power. Constructing a framework with which to understand collective political violence, I have examined state mass killings in Indonesia 1965-66. Further studies applying such a frame to other incidents of collective political violence will determine its general applicability. To truly comprehend collective violence, one must understand such 10interactions within comparative framework analyzing specific situations. Can a framework be applied cross-nationally and to other forms of collective political violence? Certainly, situations and events are unique. However, understanding the necessary conditions for collective political violence could aid future preventive policies. The analysis of state mass killings in Indonesia shows the importance of opportunity. National and local leaders may use political violence when it is seen as cost-free. The international community has a role in creating costs to deter leaders form using violence in struggles for power, wealth, and prestige. People deserve an arena in which they can hold national leaders responsible for crimes against humanity. Currently, the skeletons for such organizations exist. Without the support of the most powerful nations, these organizations will remain ineffectual. To prevent tragic abuses of power, the people of the world must stand together and demand accountability for their leaders. 11BibliographyBibliography1. P. Brass, ‘the production of Hindu-Muslim violence in contemporary India’, O.Tornquist (ed), Political Violence: Indonesia and India in comparative perspective, 2000, pp. 3-14. Oslo: University of Oslo. 2. R. Cribb, The Indonesian Killings. Studies from Java and Bali, 1990, pp. 1-43. Clayton: Monash Papers on Southeast Asia. 3. D. Gilmartin, ‘Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian history: In search of a narrative’, Journal of Asian Studies, 57, 1998: pp. 1068-1095. 4. H. Fein, ‘Revolutionary and antirevolutionary genocides: A comparison of state murders in democratic Kampuchea, 1975 to 1979, and in Indonesia, 1965 to 1966’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 35, 1992: pp. 769-823. 5. R. Hefner, The Political Economy of Mountain Java, 1990, pp. 193-227, Berkeley: University of California Press. 6. H.Schulte Nordholt, ‘A genealogy of violence’, , 2000, pp. 1-18. 7. G. Robinson, ‘The post-coup massacre in Bali’, in D. Lev R. McVey (eds), Making Indonesia, 1996, 118-143. Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program. 8. O. Verkaaik, Inside the Citadel. Fun, violence, and religious nationalism in Hyderabad, Pakistan, Ph.D. Thesis University of Amsterdam, 1999, pp. 22. 9. H. Waterman, ‘Reasons and reason: collective political activity in comparative and historical perspective, World Politics, v 33, n 41, 1981, pp. 554-589. Sociology Essays

Immigration Into a New Country †Anthropology Research Paper

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A Failure to Conform - Literature review Example Hawthorne’s story begins when Goodman Brown leaves on a nighttime journey through the forest. When the story starts, Brown’s wife Faith is begging him not to go. Her warning, â€Å"may you find all well when you come back† (Hawthorne, 1), seems to indicate leaving them both alone in the darkness will only lead to disaster. In Irving’s story, Rip Van Winkle refused to undertake any work that might possibly earn a profit for himself no matter how much his wife nagged him. â€Å"In fact, he declared it was of no use to work on his farm; it was the most pestilent little piece of ground in the whole country; everything about it went wrong, and would go wrong, in spite of him† (Irving, 9). Rip’s nonconformism was in his assertion that thoughts and ideas were worth sharing and exploring while the farming of a useless piece of property just to make a good impression on the neighbors was a waste of good effort. Both men follow a path that appears to be out of the normal pathways followed by others. Hawthorne describes Brown’s path as unusual or outside the accepted norm. â€Å"He had taken a dreary road, darkened by all the gloomiest trees of the forest, which barely stood aside to let the narrow path creep through, and closed immediately behind† (Hawthorne, 1). Although he meets several people from the village on his journey, Brown continues to express surprise and sadness at each meeting because of the â€Å"evil purpose† of the journey. Rip’s path is obviously not one typically traveled by the men of his village either. Not only is the path described as a high place in the Catskill Mountains, but the remote nature of the landscape is revealed when Rip stands up to leave.  

Carrier Liability Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Carrier Liability - Essay Example It is, however, necessary to refer to the Hague-Visby Rules (hereinafter referred to as HVR) and case law in order to investigate the carrier's liability. The HVR function to clarify the duties owed to, and responsibilities owed by, cargo liners, providing a comprehensive explication of the circumstances and types of damages to cargo which carriers are not liable for as well as those that they may be held liable for. Further, and as established by CoGSA (1971) and by national courts, HVR is applicable when either party to the dispute is a member of a Contracting State.1 With these points in mind, the issues to be investigated are, firstly, whether HVR is applicable in this instance and, secondly, in case of applicability, whether the carrier is liable for the damages to the rice. As determined by English law, and as further emphasised through CoGSA, HVR is enforceable upon carriers travelling from any port in Great Britain and Northern Ireland to any port within it.2 More relevant, however, is the fact that it is enforceable upon carriers that are travelling from a port or to any port which is party to HVR.3 The implication here is the HVR is enforceable as both the USA and Netherlands are parties to HVR. Within the context of the stated, it is important to note that Articles III, 1c and III, 2 of HVR establish the carrier as responsible for ensuring that its holds and chambers are well-suited for the storage of cargo, including their preservation and protection.4 These articles further emphasise that the carrier, including its personnel, are obligated to exercise all due caution to safely store and protect the goods.5 Furthermore, as stipulated in Article II, not only is the carrier responsible for the safe storage of the cargo but it is further liable for any damages which may befall the goods through loading and stowing.6 The above mentioned articles are immediately relevant to the question of the carrier's liability towards the damages which the rates may have wreaked upon the bagged rice. In brief, they establish liability as a direct outcome of the failure of the crew to exercise due care regarding the protection of the cargo from damages. The carrier's liability is established by HVR. HVR, Article IV, 2b states that the carrier is not liable for damages to cargo by "fire, unless caused by the actual fault or privity of the carrier." 7 This liability directly arises from Article IV, 1's assertion that the carrier and its personnel are obligated to exercise all "due diligence" to ensure that the ship is seaworthy and its crew fit.8 The crew did not exercise the requisite due diligence, as is evident from the failure to report the sighting of the rates and, the vessel was not seaworthy, a fact which takes on additional importance when considering liability for delay in delivery. Case law supports the argument pertaining to the carrier's liability, as in the matter of Papera Traders Co Ltd & Ors V (1) Hyundai Merchant Marine Co Ltd (2) Keihin Co Ltd Sub Nom Eurasian Dream (2002)9 In this case, the cargo owners sued the carrier following the occurrence of a fire which destroyed the cargo and rendered the vessel a total loss. As the owners of the

The Power of Observation Essay Example for Free

The Power of Observation Essay The power of sight and observation are two actions that are generally associated with one another. However, what we fail to acknowledge is that these two actions, although associated with the same sense, have different responsibilities to fulfill. Although seeing is a habitual act we perform the second we open our eyes to when we fall asleep, we are not always observing our surroundings. Observation differs from sight due to the fact that when we observe, we are vividly noticing aspects of something or someone in order to gain information whereas sight is simply the faculty, or driving force, of seeing. We are able to obtain more powerful knowledge if we go about our days observing rather than just living a life full of brief sights. Michel Foucault, a French philosopher explores several elements in the ways in which our humanity and social sciences work. In his work, Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison he uses Jeremy Bentham’s design for a panoptic prison in which prisoners are watched constantly to explore how observation can change an individual’s behavior. Similarly Foucault believed, observation works as a disciplinary tool that forces individuals to act a certain way under constant surveillance, creating permanent effects. Foucault was correct in the sense that surveillance works in the same manner continuously within our society however, although an individual’s behavior is altered by the observation of another person, he is wrong to believe that their actions remain static. An individual’s behavior can be altered in several different circumstances due to the type of audience and the fear of being misjudged. Foucault explores the concept of a prison imagined by Jeremy Bentham called the Panopticon. The Panopticon was initially created to establish discipline and â€Å"to induce in the inmate and state of conscious and permanent visibility that assures the automatic functioning of power. So to arrange things that the surveillance is permanent in its effects even if it is discontinuous in its action.† (288) The idea that the tower is located centrally is important in order to see all of the prisoners. However, what truly exercises the power of observation is that they feel they are constantly under surveillance even if no one is utilizing it in the panopticon. The prisoner is constantly â€Å"seen, but he does not see; he is the object of information, never the subject in communication.† (287) Foucault believed that anyone could obtain this power simply by remaining invisible in this tower and their â€Å"invisibility [was] a guarantee of order† and that this power could be mobilized in institutions such as schools, hospitals, and prisons as long as observation was intact. (287) Furthermore, what gives the observer absolute potency is the fear the prisoners have that they will be punished for acting incorrectly in the eyes of the observer as well as being mislabeled. Foucault extended his theory by observing that not only would the power of observation work inside the walls of the prison but that â€Å"on the whole, therefore, one can speak of the formation of a disciplinary society in this movement that stretched from the enclosed disciplines, a sort of social quarantine.† (300) By taking the idea of the Panopticon and stretching the power outwards, we would be creating â€Å"useful individuals† who ultimately mask themselves to behaving a certain way in public. While Foucault believed that our masked identities consisted of only one side, he failed to acknowledge that within society there are different views of what one considers to be a â€Å"useful individual.† There are several different groups within the community that we can be a part of, ultimately giving us several different masks we can put on. In order to be seen positively in the eyes of each individual group we must become that â€Å"useful individual† they believe in. As seen in Foucault’s Panopticism, the labels given to us by society automatically brand us and we are required to fulfill a type of role or expectation based on the title given to us. The labels given to us are assigned because of how an individual perceives us whether they are based off of appearance or our actions. Unlike the Panopticon, there is not just one central tower that has an observer watching us but rather the people we pass on the street have the power to observe as well. There is no longer just one observer who has the central power but several people who can watch our every move and perceive us in certain ways. As Foucault states the â€Å"power of spectacle† still maintains the same effect and â€Å"our society is one not of spectacle, but of surveillance.† (301) However with all this surveillance, â€Å"his ‘true’ name, his ‘true’ place, his ‘true’ body† starts to be defined; thus the formation of labels. (284) The pressure to behave accordingly has increased because we are constantly under the surveillance of society and having our every move be recorded and observed. Furthermore, while those surrounding us have the power to observe, as individuals we begin to take in those around us and begin to judge them as well. Nevertheless, it is not the label that first defines us, it is the observer. They are the ones who have the initial power to influence our actions simply by feeling as though those around us are judging us. Once we are branded into our label, we feel obligated to act these different roles and put on several different masks in order to please those around us who are associated in our group. As individuals we constantly feel the need to be accepted into a group and are highly concerned with how we are being perceived, especially if we do not know the people observing us. The gaze that has the strongest influence on our actions is the gaze of a stranger. Although we may not personally know those who pass us on the street and surround us a majority of the time, these are the observers we fear most because we worry about the way they are perceiving us. We constantly care about how we will be perceived even if we do not know those forming opinions on us because we were designed to feel the need to be socially accepted. The feeling that a strangers â€Å"gaze is everywhere† compels us to do what we feel those around us consider to be socially acceptable. We are most restricted in public places because as Foucault states the power of observation â€Å"reaches the threshold of a discipline when the relation of the one to the other becomes favorable.† (304) For instance, when I am in public I certainly do not sing songs that play on my iPod because I fear what those around me will think about what type of person I am; perhaps I will receive a reputation for being known as the weird girl who sings to herself. Once we start to care more about what those around us see in ourselves we become a prisoner of their examination, behaving in ways that those around us do. We never become comfortable when surrounded by several strangers because we will never know what their opinions of us are. Authority figures such as professors, officers and adults, also have a great deal of control over our actions. Unlike the stranger we encounter and never get to know, these authority figures are people we interact with on several occasions and generally reappear in our daily lives. When first interacting with these people who possess authority over ourselves, we generally want to make a good impression and desire to be in their good graces because we feel they have the power over us. Figures such as professors, adults and even the police officers Foucault addresses are members who are associated within this group. These authority figures work in the same manner as the traditional panoptic situation where we are constantly aware of how we are being observed and put on a lasting mask of how to behave in front of them. However, what alters our comfort between a stranger and an authority figures’ gaze is that we have the opportunity to become comfortable with those who have authority. As we encounter those authority figures on a daily basis, we begin to form a comfort with the assumed role we are required to fulfill. For instance, when first encountering my professors I felt that I needed to be depicted as the â€Å"perfect student† because I did not know them. Although they are figures where I am under my best behavior, a level of comfort is created as the semester progresses and an appropriate relationship begins to form between my professors and I. It ties together two important elements that while we become more comfortable with those around us, we start to become more of who we are and are able to unveil the many masks we must put on to those we feel most comfortable around. While Foucault argued that family was the first panoptic system we felt most pressured under, the observation of our family and friends are the ones we actually are most comfortable and acquainted with. He may have asserted that we have â€Å"made the family the privileged locus of emergence for the disciplinary question of the normal and the abnormal.† (300) However, while we generally are concerned with what those who are close to us believe, we are able to break the barrier of being a stranger because we know these are the people who are most accepting of the actions we take. These are the people who we in fact feel we can be ourselves around because we spend so much time with them and there is a comfort level within that relationship. These observations being made are so frequently that we are eventually able to take off our masks and be who we truly are. We simply have internalized our behavior, which forces us to be ourselves because we do not fear what judgment will be passed. Although Foucault discusses how institutions are able to exercise the power of observation and the effect on our behaviors, today those observations are beyond the walls of a prison, hospital or school. The eyes of observation follow us everywhere we go, and the most restraining observers are the ones we do not know. By being surrounded by those we are comfortable with, we are able to take off our several masks we are forced to put on while in the community or in front of those we do not know. Unlike Foucault, it is not a matter of surveillance but a matter of who we feel the most comfort with. Works Cited Foucault, Michel. â€Å"Panopticism.† Ways of Reading, 9th Edition. Eds. David Bartholomae and Anthony Petroski. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2011 282-309.

in a few days :: essays research papers

In a Few Days†¦ A year has past and now we stand on the brink of returning to a world where we are surrounded by the paradox of everything, yet nothing being the same. In a few days we will reluctantly give our hugs and, fighting the tears, say good-bye to the people who were once just names on a sheet of paper, to return to people that we hugged and fought the tears the say good-bye to before we ever left. We will leave our best friends to return to our best friends. We will go back to the places we came from and go back to the same things we did last summer and every summer before. We will come into town on that same familiar road, and even though it has been nine months, it will only seem like yesterday. As you walk into your old bedroom, every emotion will pass through you as you reflect on the way that your life has changed and the person you have become. You suddenly realize that the things that were most important to you a year ago does not seem to matter so much anymore, and the things you hold highest now, no one at home will completely understand. Who will you call first? Where are you going to work? Who will be partying with you on Saturday night? What has everyone been up to? Who from college will you keep in touch with? How long before you actually start missing people barging in without calling or knocking? Who will go with you to Dunkin Donuts at 5 a.m., if you get the urge? Who will go clubbing with you after hours? How long until you adjust to sleeping in a room by yourself, or how long before you realize that you best friends are not in the bed next to your room? Then you realize how much things have changed, you realize that the hardest part of college is balancing the two completely different worlds you live in, trying desperately to hold onto everything all the while trying to figure out what you have to leave behind. In the matter of one day’s time, we will leave our world of living with our best friends, walking across campus to eat at the UC, instant messenger being on 24/7, 8:00 a.m. classes (well, not for you), and perpetual procrastination, to a world that will seem foreign to us despite the fact that we have lived in it for nineteen years.

Philosophy Essay Deontology

Philosophy 101 Midterm Essay Number One Friday October 19th 2012 Deontology Immanuel Kant’s deontological moral theory provides a strong base for making correct decisions and is a better ethics system than Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill’s utilitarianism. Utilitarianism is an ethical theory that is attributed to philosophers John Stuart Mill and Jeremy Bentham. Utilitarianism is a theory holding that the proper course of action is one which maximizes happiness for the majority. [2]It is considered a ‘consequentialist’ philosophical view because it holds the belief that outcomes can be predicted based on the course of actions.Utilitarianism is another way of stating ‘the end justifying the means. ’ Deontologists argue that the means of ones’ actions should be ethical regardless of the outcome contrasting to utilitarianism where the outcomes must benefit the majority. [3]Deontology demands that ethical norms be used with the belief tha t there are transcendent ethical norms and truths that are universally applicable for all. Deontology reinforces that actions can be immoral regardless of their outcome because the actions made can be wrong in themselves. Through this Kant uses ‘a categorical imperative’ meaning one must act morally at all times.Kant believes that all people base their moral conclusions on their rational thought. Thus, deontology is another way of stating ‘the means justifying the end. ’ Suppose an evil villain holds you and four others hostage and instructs you to kill one of the four hostages and if you chose not to do this, the villain will kill every one. You have no doubts about the reality of the villains’ treats therefore you fully believe that he will do what he says he will. This leaves you with two options. The first option is to kill one of the four and save the lives of the other three as well as yourself.From a utilitarian perspective one would come to t he conclusion that they must kill the one person because in the end, it has the most beneficial outcome for all. (the most people leave the scene alive) In contrast, deontologists would conclude that you should not kill the one person because killing people is wrong as a universal moral truth. How do we know what is right? Utilitarianism is justifiable in a sense where it considers the pain and pleasure of every individual affected by a particular action or situation. [4] It also considers every individual as an equal and does not permit a person to put their interests above anything else.Utilitarianism also attempts to provide an objective method of making moral decisions. However, utilitarianism cannot assign a significant measure to all pains and pleasures considering that some pains and pleasures cannot or should not be measured such as the life of an individual. Through suggesting that the ‘ends justify the means; would lying or cheating be considered ethical if the outco me is positive? Suppose a person murders another and gets away with it. Would this be considered ethical in the sense where in the end his outcome is positive because he gets away with it?Utilitarianism assumes that outcomes can always be determined before an action is put in place. Outcomes, however are unpredictable, making utilitarianism fundamentally flawed: it is impossible to predict the outcomes of one’s actions with absolute certainty. Thus one can argue that utilitarianism can evolve into a dangerous moral case where people can justify evil actions on the belief that the outcome is beneficial for all (in the case where the other hostages as well as yourself get away alive) or positive (where one gets away with lying and cheating).Furthermore, assuming the population would not feel guilt in their actions and that the unhappiness of the minority would be less than the happiness of the majority, but one must remember that it is net consequences not just who is happiest. Deontological theories do have their pitfalls. For instance, it is not always clear how to rank moral duties because they can at times be insoluble. [5] In the example of telling the truth to fulfill a moral duty, it could lead a person to tell a murderer where to find an intended victim.Showing that one set of rules cannot account for every scenario leaving people without guidance in some moral decisions. Despite these drawbacks, deontological theories hold that human beings have a moral obligation to follow certain principles. Through Kant’s ‘categorical imperative’, human beings are required to treat others ethically, morally and fairly. [6] This allows people to evaluate what they are doing and it permits them to go above and beyond the basic requirements of the rules: lending a helping hand.Deontology is a more applicable theory because forces human beings to better themselves; ‘to treat others the way you would want to be treated. ’ It is cons idered to be a ‘non-consequentialist’ moral theory because deontologists assert the righteousness of an action as not simply defined on the beneficial outcome of the majority but the morality of the action and if that action is morally acceptable. It demands that actions be ethical. Deontologists do not necessarily have universal claims, but rather absolute claims and it recognizes that actions can be wrong regardless of their results. In the example of killing people to save people, killing people is still ethically wrong. ) A deontologist would argue that one can only be responsible for ones’ own actions and not the actions of others. In this example you are only responsible for your decision to kill one person since the villain is ultimately the one making the unethical choice to kill the rest of the prisoners. Even though killing the one person would maximize the good of the majority there is something ethically wrong.Through this, deontology recognizes that utilitarianism does not respect rights and is too destructive because it disregards all morals. In order for utilitarianism to work, the minority must suffer while the majority thrives, leading to great sacrifice to maximize the â€Å"good of all†. [7]Deontological ethics capture the features of virtue because, in a sense it is simply a theory of our moral duties. While moral theories like utilitarianism speak of happiness as the ultimate goal of morality, deontology instead focuses on what we need to do be worthy of that happiness.Utilitarianism can lead a person to calculate utility in situations where one should not, making utilitarianism flawed in comparison to deontology because utilitarianism does not assert the rightness of an action on what is ethically acceptable. [8] Focusing on the majority regardless of the minority makes utilitarianism not applicable. Even if we wanted to put utilitarianism into effect, we would not be able to because there is no practical measur e of utility. Whether that measure is pleasure, happiness or the object of desire, the outcome is not the same for all, therefore it is not applicable. To the contrary, deontology there are thical norms applicable to all because people come to moral conclusions about what is right or wrong based on their innate human rationality. ———————– [1] Moral Absolutism: Deontology and Religious Morality November 3, 2010 Jacques Rousseau http://synapses. co. za/moral-absolutism-deontology-religious-morality/ [2] The History of Utilitarianism Friday, March 27 2009 Julia Driver http://plato. stanford. edu/entries/utilitarianism-history/ [3] Consilient Inductions Friday, August 22, 2010 Jeff Smith http://consilientinductions. blogspot. ca/2010/08/one-thing-begats-another. html [4] Utilitarianism by John Stuart Mill (1863)Chapter 2 What Utilitarianism Is http://www. marxists. org/reference/archive/mill-john-stuart/1863/utility/ch02. htm [5] P ros & Cons of Ethical Theories Eric Dontigney http://www. ehow. com/info_8404891_pros-cons-ethical-theories. html [6] Kant’s Normative Ethics Richmound Journal of Philosophy June 2012, Brad Hooker http://www. richmond-philosophy. net/rjp/back_issues/rjp1_hooker. pdf [7] Moral Theory Royal College, John McMillan PhD http://www. royalcollege. ca/portal/page/portal/rc/resources/bioethics/primers/moral_theory [8] The Challenges of Utilitarianism and Relativism Andrew Heard, 1997 http://www. sfu. ca/~aheard/417/util. html

Current Trends

The market for projector screens continues to boom as presentations continue in corporate, educational, government, and other settings. Today, many trends co-exist in the development of the market, accounting for the wide variety of product offered. We will consider the emerging trends in the industry. In particular, we will pay attention to how these trends are represented in the product assortment of PCM Ltd.Trends in the IndustryAs more and more business people and other professionals travel extensively, the size of the screen and the projector begin to matter. Smaller screens can be more easily packed in the luggage and transported more effectively. In the case of projectors, a smaller size means most typically a shorter warranty, less brightness and a higher price. However, those that take an airplane to get places may be more willing to undertake this expense. In contrast, those travelling by car can afford to purchase projector technology that is larger in size.In college, in contrast, the projector screens keep getting bigger. A larger screen allows everybody to see what is going on in the classroom and focus students’ attention on the content of the presentation without forcing them to make a special effort to discern the images on the screen. Craig (2006) states that a good campus display system should meet a very important criterion: be â€Å"large enough for everyone to see comfortably†. The next generation of campus projector screens is likely to fluctuate between moderately big and very big monitors.Widescreen is also winning popularity. This trend, already visible in the production of laptops, has now come to influence the world of projector screens. The typical widescreen ratio is 16:9, although this ratio is not consistent as one can come across 15:9 and 16:10, too. The use of widescreen has implications for the overall impression of the presentation. In college settings, â€Å"wide aspect projection screens mean less room in the front for whiteboards, and more encroachment on where the instructor would stand† (Craig, 2006).The growing variety of projectors now includes overhead, LCD, slide, video and movie projectors. This means that it is desirable that manufacturers of projector screens respond to this variety by producing flexible screens that can work with any type of projector. This will make their produce suitable to a wide range of situations and will not induce users to replace the screen when they upgraded to a new type of projector.The advances in the field are numerous. Some of them are really innovative and can represent either breakthroughs that will start permanent new trends, or remain ‘side branches’ of evolution forever. Thus, ASS-60AK NXT SoundVu projection screen, created by Authentic Ltd, can act both as a display surface and a speaker at the same time.The screen â€Å"vibrates at a rate undetectable to the human eye to create sound, is made of Teonex, a material spe cially designed to produce high frequencies other fabrics would absorb† (Horaczek, 2006). In this way, it is similar to acoustically transparent screens used in multiplexes. However, professionals wonder whether this standalone speaker that also serves as projector screen can be of lasting quality.Another impressive innovation is the transparent screen that can accept and display holographic images. Demonstrating a holographic image on its surface, the screen creates the impression that the image is floating in the air. Technologically, the image emerges when â€Å"a projector shines on a thin Holographic screen attached to a transparent surface like glass or plexi-glass† (ProjectorPeople, n.d.). This image can help advertising efforts, for instance, when it is placed in front of a store where is certain to grasp the attention of numerous passers-by.PCM Ltd’s Product MixPCM Ltd maintains operations in China where its goods are produced to be later marketed in Nor th America and Europe by a Canadian company. The company offers a wide range of products in display technology. Its list of products includes projectors, projector screens, presentation easels, display stands, TV wall and ceiling mounts, and literature and catalogue dispensers.Its projector screens are compatible with different projector types. They can display images from overhead projectors, LCD, slide, video and movie projectors (PCM Ltd, n.d.). The screens are available in different formats, including square, video and widescreen. All of them are fire retardant.An example of a widescreen format is the Flexscreen Scissor Support Wall Screen that comes in HDTV format 16:9. The convenience of this format lies in the fact that it adjusts automatically to video, wide video and square format. This screen that comes in three sizes, 145*145 cm, 160*160 cm, and 180*180 cm, will conveniently fit into a variety of office and educational surroundings.Its relatively modest size allows users to place it on many walls in offices of different size. Flexscreen’s ability to display widescreen images makes its consistent with the newest trends that emphasized widescreen, while its conformance to the older video and square standards help it support images that were made in accordance with traditional standards.

John F. Kennedy, and his assassination essays

John F. Kennedy, and his assassination essays John F. Kennedy, president of the United States, was assassinated during his presidency. There were four presidential assassinations in U. S history. Lincoln was assassinated first in 1965, then Garfield in 1881, then McKinley, and our most recent assassination in history was Kennedy in 1963, in Dallas Texas. This paper will focus of JFK and his assassination. John F. Kennedy was born in Brookline, Massachusetts, he was the second oldest of nine. He had five sisters, and three brothers, Joseph, Rosemary, Kathleen, Eunice, Patricia, Robert, Jean, and Edward. John, Edward and Robert entered into politics. The Kennedy family had been active in politics. Rose Kennedy was the daughter of John F. Fitzgerald, who, as mayor of Boston, Massachusetts, was known as Honey Fitz. At the age of 13, he went to a private school called Canterbury, in New Milford, Connecticut, but he became sick and had to drop out. Then he graduated from Choate Preparatory School in Willingford, Connecticut. Then he entered Princeton University, but then he got ill again and had to drop out, so the he went to Harvard University. He then attended Stanford University after he graduated from Harvard, and he attended for a year and then traveled to South America. John F. Kennedy was on of nine children. He was number two in the Kennedy family. John had five sisters, and three brothers. The sisters were Jean, Patricia, Eunice, Kathleen, and Rosemary. The brothers were Ted, Robert, Joe jr. Johns father, Joseph, was the Ambassador to England. The long lines of relatives were some how associated with politics. Kennedys brother Robert ran for a seat in the Senate, and when he was in the primary in California, he was assassinated. This put and ends to his running for president. Ted Kennedy, still alive today is a senator of Massachusetts. John, as we know was the 35th president of the United States, and was assassinated in 1963. ...

Professionalism in the Job Environment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Professionalism in the Job Environment - Essay Example Professionalism is comprised of attitudes and behaviors. Attitudes are often described and measured because of their relationship to behaviors. Behaviorists use recognition, praise, and a regular feedback system to tell the worker how he is doing. How we do our jobs has a direct impact on one's success in his/her job. When the conduct and behavior of workforce is perceived as unprofessional, it directly impacts the integrity and public relations as a whole in an organization. Unprofessional relationship between senior and junior could affect the morale in workplace. This will result in the emergence of environment of favoritism, misuse of authority and detract of manager's ability as a leader. In an office environment people treat coworkers with a professional respect; in a social setting they treat their friends completely different. The level of personalization in the workplace depends on the context, emotional support, expressions, trust, and situation of the environment. Dressing style is also a key component of professionalism. First impressions count. A professional consultant who doesn't take the time to maintain a professional appearance presents the image of not being able to perform adequately on the job. This professional dress code is codified because many professionals have never been taught appropriate professional appearance and demeanor. ... A fresh haircut, spit-shined shoes and a crisp suit go a long way in establishing a professional demeanor. It's also about quality; most professionals can spot a cheap suit at twenty paces and high-quality dress shoes are de-rigueur. To be successful, research and practice and carefully plan the professional image you want to project. For example, if you come to an interview dressed professionally, you will feel a sense of confidence and others will sense your self-assurance. Many employers interpret your appearance in terms of what you know about the world around you and what attention you give to detail. Effective communication is also the part of professionalism. How you present your ideas are equally important. These communication skills have to be developed, honed and added to on an on-going basis as a part of your job. They are at the heart of interpersonal skills and the greater your awareness of how it all works, the more effective your communication will be. However, even the best communicators can have their communication skills undermined when they get wrong-footed, face potential humiliation, feel misunderstood or get really surprised by someone else's behavior. That's when it all seems to fall apart and people regress to all kinds of inappropriate and unhelpful behavior. One can ensure positive interactions with his coworkers with the use of different mode of communications. If the audience isn't happy with your approach or the communication itself, it has not served its purpose. You can create a positive interaction by including your audience in small talk Just as what yo u say is vital, so is how you say it. Pay attention to kinesics or body movements,

ERIE Assignment Part III Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

ERIE Assignment Part III - Essay Example Currently, a lot of scientists are trying to study the most urgent questions of neurology and neuroscience for being able to elaborate efficacious recommendations and guidance for educational policy. Discoveries made in the research of brain’s activity will manage to widen our abilities and thereby find a totally new and more advanced phase of societal development. Although majority of scientists realize the significance of neuroscience, some of them consider that its role is rather over generalized because those knowledge and findings that we have can not be sufficient for educators. Hence, Bruer (1997) states that lately more and more people become confident in potential of neuroscience to provide better education, but because of such erroneously reassuring notion cognitive psychology is often left behind and underestimated meanwhile only its study is able genuinely to create well-grounded link between education and brain activity. According to the discoveries of neuroscientists, the biggest number of synapses which unite neurons in the brain can be seen in a period of childhood, when elimination of synapses comes after synaptic proliferation. It is considered that in case of high density of synapses, human’s brain is characterized with the highest efficiency in the process of education. In this respect, Begley claims that if parents and educators do not ensure a child with favorable stipulations for learning in a specific age period, some opportunities will be hardly restored in the future (cited in Bruer, 1997). This is why it is extremely urgent to pay sufficient attention to children’s education in the period of early childhood. According to neuroscientific findings, period of high brain activity varies from birth to ten years and taking into account such long and inaccurate age margins, some educational programs, such as